The
Eight Communities
Location |
Community |
Riverine communities: |
Upper Ucayali River |
Cunchuri (Mestizo) |
Upper Ucayali River |
Puerto Belén (Shipibo) |
Upper Ucayali River |
Caco Macaya (Shipibo) |
Aguaytía River |
Santa Rosa (Shipibo) |
Aguaytía River |
Naranjal (Cocama) |
Upland communities: |
Road Neshuya-Curimaná |
Palmeros (Mestizo) |
CampoVerde-Road F. Basadre Km 80 |
Ganaderos (Mestizo) |
Road F.Basadre Km 38, int 4 km. |
Hierbas Buenas (Mestizo) |
SELECTION CRITERIA
Site selection was a critical step in the research cycle. From a
methodology perspective, it was important to include sites that would allow
us to differentiate factors affecting health in the two ecosystems. The
region of Ucayali is located within the selva baja or Amazon lowlands.
There are two distinct ecosystems; the floodplain and the uplands.
In addition to these ecological differences, there are several socio-economic
and cultural variables that have vary across the region and have differing
impacts on health. In order to capture this heterogeneity, we developed
the following list of selection criteria.
Ecosystem
type
The most obvious ecological differences exist between the fertile floodplain
(or varzea) and the highly weathered soils of the upland forests.
The type of agriculture as well as the production cycles vary between these
areas. The fertile river banks and low lying forests, available for
cultivation during only the dry months, provide farmers on the floodplain
with a brief window of opportunity before the rains begin and the rivers
flood their banks. If however, farmers own land on higher ground,
they clear land during the dry months and plant with the beginning of the
rainy season. They are therefore able to exploit two growing seasons.
In the uplands, farmers have only one season, clearing and burning fallows
and forests in the dry period and planting their crops at the start of
the wet season, in September/October.
There exist however, more subtle differences within these two ecosystems.
In the floodplain, areas that are flooded annually versus those that are
flooded only during years of high rainfall (usually every 5-7 years) vary
in soil type and suitability for different agricultural crops. Similarly
there are pockets of fertile areas found within the uplands forests.
We selected five riverine and three upland communities. Within
the riverine group, three of the five are inundated annually. In
the upland communities, two are located on more acidic poorer soils, with
the third in an area dominated by more fertile sandy soils.
Ethnicity
The
two distinct cultural groups include the indigenous people and the mestizos
or colonists who have immigrated from different parts of country in search
of land and opportunity. Within the indigenous population, there are three
main tribes; Canibo-Shipibo, Ashaninka and Cocama. We have included in
the project Shipibo and Cocama communities.
We have encountered a mix of cultures from the coast, Andes and upper
Amazon lowlands in our mestizo communities. The majority of past international
research activities have focused on mestizo communities, where cultural
and language barriers do not exist. Because of this the indigenous
population has become increasingly marginalized and mistrusting of outsiders
Access to and involvement in the market economy
The ability of communities to participate in the market economy is determined
largely by access, either by river or road. Access can be measured
in relative terms, ie. the number of hours to reach Pucallpa (the main
market in Ucayali) and in absolute terms, ie. whether they can reach there
at all. Riverine communities are always able to transport goods to and
from market. In contrast, some road communities have no access for
long periods in the rainy season. In our sample we have road communities
with all-year access and others where access is only during the dry months.
Time of settlement
Indigenous populations are thought to have been in the Amazon for several
thousands of years. The age of mestizo settlements varies from
eight to eighty years, and is associated with the waves of colonization
from the coast and sierra. These different settlements can be categorized
according to whether they are old versus new frontier, each characterized
by a different set of socio-econmic variables. Old frontier areas
have basic infrastructure such as schools, clinics, roads as well as greater
land security. Newer areas, are richer in resources but the opportunity
costs of living on the new frontier, without governance nor government
servies, are greater. Our sites vary in age from ten to eighty years.
Land use strategies
There are diverse and often multiple land use strategies in Ucayali.
Agricultural activities include slash and burn agriculture with a variety
of annual and perennial crops, and cattle ranching and pastures, and oil
palm plantations. The staple crops include plantain, rice, cassava
and maize (primarily for animal consumption). Perennial crops
include pineapple, citrus fruits and papaya. Fishing provides the
main source of protein and is often supplemented with wild animals hunted
in the surrounding forests. Extraction of timber, fruits, and other
materials may be both for commercial and subsistence use. We have
includes sites that differ in their diversity of land use activities as
well as in terms of their dominant strategy.
Based on these five criteria we selected eight communities. The
following table provides an overall description of each site with respect
to the above criteria.
Cunchuri |
Puerto Belén |
Riverine community situated on Ucayali River with annual flooding.
Mestizo
Eight hours by boat from Pucallpa; Access all year round.
Slash and burn agriculture, principal crops are plantain and rice; Fishing
during dry season; Little hunting.
Settled in 1750?
Government in process of granting land deeds
|
Riverine community situated on arm of Ucayali River recently cut off from
the main river. Annual flooding, however this will be less often with the
change in river’s course.
Indigenous Shipibo
12 hours by boat to Pucallpa; Access all year round.
Slash and burn agriculture, principal crop is plantain; Fishing all year
round; Some hunting
Settled in 1948.
Community land deed that encompasses a large area surrounding the settled
land.
|
Caco Macaya |
Naranjal |
Riverine community situated in small stream 200m from the Caco River.
Indigenous Shipibo.
18 hours by boat to Pucallpa; In dry months (Aug-Oct) access is difficult
as stream is dry.
Slash and burn agriculture, principal crop is plantain and cassava;
Fishing all year round; Much hunting.
Settled in 1974.
Community land deed that encompasses a large area surrounding the settled
land
|
Riverine community situated on the Aguaytía River. Annual
and unpredictable flooding
Mestizo, however with indigenous roots, Cocama tribe
6 hours to Nueva Requena (small port) and 1.5 hours to Pucallpa on secondary
road. Very heavy rain can restrict access from Nueva Requena to Pucallpa
Slash and Burn agriculture. Plantain is the main crop. There is fishing
in the dry season. Little hunting due to deforestation and logging
Settled in 1935
Community land deed that encompasses a large area surrounding the settled
land
|
Santa Rosa |
Palmeros |
Riverine community on the Aguaytía. Part of the community is flooded
annually
Indigenous Shipibo
4 hours to town of Aguaytia and then 5 hours to Pucallpa
Slash and Burn agriculture. Plantain is the main crop. Hunting and
fishing are important activities
Settled in 1950
Community land deed that encompasses a large area surrounding the settled
land
|
Upland area with relatively infertile soils
Mestizo 2 hours to Pucallpa, however no access during the wet season (4
months)
Oil palm plantations and pastures. Fishing by women in small streams.
Little hunting
Settled b/w 1983-1999
Individual farmers have and titles
|
Hierbas Buenas |
Ganaderos |
Upland are with sandy more fertile soils
Mestizo
1 hour to Pucallpa. Access all year round
Slash and burn agriculture. Main crop includes pineapple, citrus
fruits. No fishing or hunting
Settled in 1981
Government in process of granting land deeds
|
Upland area with relatively infertile soils
Mestizo
1-3 hours to Pucallpa. Access all year round
Cattle and pastures. No fishing or hunting
Settled b/w 1975-1990
The majority do not have land titles
|
return to top
SEASONALITY AND TIMING OF RESEARCH
Average precipitation in Ucayali ranges between 2000-3000mm . Rains
usually start in September/October, and continue until March/April.
During this time, rivers and lakes rise up to 10 metres, dramatically changing
the landscape. Agricultural production as well as the availability
of fish, animals and foods gathered from the forests, are tied to this
hydrological cycle. In order to capture the effects of seasonality
on diet and disease, we selected three time periods: 1) June/July, 2) October/November
and 3) February/March.
-
June and July is the dry season, when fish are plentiful and animals, fruits
and seeds scarce. Farmers in the upland areas are preparing the land
for the upcoming crops, taking advantage of the dry period, to slash and
burn their fields. Farmers on the floodplain are planting their annual
crops on the fertile riverbanks for the four-month window when the river
is low. Plantain is planted on the “restingas” or levees above the anticipated
high water line.
-
October/November marks the start of the wet season. Farmers in the
floodplain have harvested their rice and beans and farmers in the uplands
have recently planted their rice, cassava, maize and beans. Fish
is still readily available.
-
In February/March, most of the floodplain communities are under water.
Fish are scarce as they migrate to the flooded forests in search of food
and reproductive habitats. Animals and forest foods more plentiful,
but by this time, food security issues emerge as last year’s harvest has
been exhausted. In the uplands, basic staples are available but fish
prices rise considerably. Little other than plantain, cassava and
rice are consumed.
The impacts of these seasonal cycles on health, nutrition and production
activities are of greater importance to the communities, than issues associated
with yield and price fluctuations. The annual risks of flooding,
fire and lack of access linked to the hydrological cycle may destroy an
entire crop or cut-off market access and therefore any hopes of sale.
With these three time periods, we can study the cycles in food availability,
disease periodicity, and nutrient intake. This will allow us to not
only identify critical periods when food is scarce and disease more prevalent,
but also analyze the interaction between such cycles. We can then
provide insight into which cycles are linked to others and how, and which
may be the key drivers affecting others. Efforts can therefore be
focused on such critical periods when their lives are most precarious and
desperate and when intervention will have the greatest impact.
SELECTION OF PARTICIPANTS
In
six of the eight sites, all families within the community are involved
in the project. Due to differences in village size, our sample ranges
from 32 to 50 families. In the two communities where there were more than
50 families, we randomly selected a sample of 50, excluding those without
children and professionals, for example teachers. Our focus on the
link between natural resource use and health excludes those with a government
salary.
Within the family, the mother and father (or main caregivers if they
are not resident in the home) were selected as informants for the survey.
Men are asked questions regarding their production systems, which included
agriculture, fishing, logging, hunting, gathering and off-farm work.
Essentially we are interested in how much they grow of different crops,
what proportion is sold, eaten, stored, fed to animals or given away.
These same basic questions are also asked of products harvested from the
forest as well as hunting and fishing.
Dietary and health questions for both children and women are directed
at the women. We identified four categories of children, i) 0-23
months; ii) 2-5 years, iii) 6-10 years and iv) 11-18 years. These
were identified as critical age periods when a similar set of nutritional
and health problems are associated. If there was more than one child
in each category, one was selected randomly. Thus family size
varied between three and six participants.
PHOTOS (from top to bottom): |
A Shipibo woman; Harvested plantains in a riverine
community, babanas ready for transport and sale; Shipibo women dancing
in Puerto Belén; A field prepared for crops by slashing and burning;
A Palmeros family with oil palm in background. |